偽人治港無路訴 7/12/2012 偽人治港無路訴，騙了港人及中央。知法犯法何管治，顛倒黑白就稱皇。 忽視國法如無物，其身不正隨員歪。小平在天哭餐死，國法其期不是路。 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 呢鋪邵善波真係切腹都搞唔掂 Posted on December 5, 2012 by martinoei 黃世澤 我有理由相信，邵善波依家正諗緊點著草走人。因為佢呢鋪，切腹都搞唔掂。 《蘋果日報》喺明日頭條爆嘅電文，係嚟自以下兩條： HONG KONG TO BEIJING: WE WANT A ROLE HONG KONG CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM: 102 PEOPLE 喺第一份電文，邵善波係咁同美國使館人員爆料： 「¶3. (C) Another factor contributing to the HKG’s more aggressive stance is the high level of public support for greater involvement in the next FYP. The Central Policy Unit (CPU – the Hong Kong government’s in-house think-tank) recently conducted a poll that revealed more than 70 percent of respondents felt Hong Kong needed greater participation in drafting the next FYP. A similar proportion hoped the plan would elaborate on the city’s role in China’s development. CPU Senior Researcher Shiu Sin-por noted that, in contrast, previous polls on Hong Kong’s relationship with China showed Hong Kongers did not care about the issue in 1992 and were extremely resistant to engaging the Mainland in 1997. The Hong Kong public no longer feared that China would take over planning for Hong Kong, Shiu contended. (Note: Shiu reportedly was brought into CPU for his research background and knowledge of Hong Kong and mainland issues. A local deputy to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Shiu is seen by many as a Beijing ally with strong views against Hong Kong’s democratization. End Note) Ching similarly felt that Hong Kongers had largely abandoned the concern that China would “contaminate” Hong Kong. 4. (C) According to Shiu, since at least 2007, Chief Secretary Henry Tang has headed a steering committee comprised of representatives from key policy bureaus to examine ways the HKG can play a meaningful role in the 12th FYP planning process. The effort, coordinated by the Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau (CMAB) and supported by CPU, aims to engage the Mainland in eight areas — finance, education and training, environment, high-tech/new-tech, culture, creative industries, regional development/infrastructure, and transport/logistics. The policy bureaus responsible for the eight areas were expected to draft “mini five-year plans” that would discuss specific projects and initiatives for Beijing to consider for the FYP, Shiu explained. CPU hoped to see these plans completed early so NDRC would have them as references before drafting of the FYP begins in mid-2010. Shiu warned that once the NDRC put pen to paper, it would be “extremely difficult” to get substantive changes made (C) Shiu explained that this effort had already seen unprecedented levels of engagement between Hong Kong officials and academics and mainland counterparts in the past year. CPU organized a two-day conference in Hong Kong in September where day two consisted of closed-door one-on-one discussions between Hong Kong and NDRC officials. Similarly, twenty Hong Kong academics in October joined top officials from NDRC and the central government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office for a closed-door seminar. Director of One Country, Two Systems (OCTS – a well-connected and well-funded think-tank whose chairman is C.Y.Leung, the Executive Council convenor widely touted as a top contender to become Hong Kong’s next Chief Executive) Cheung Chi Kong told us his institute also had helped facilitate trips for Hong Kong economic experts to meet with mainland counterparts. CPU hoped to organize another seminar in June for both sides to further examine how Hong Kong’s proposals could complement the Mainland’s economic needs, said Shiu. (C) Despite increased interaction between Hong Kong officials and mainland economic planners, Shiu was concerned that Hong Kong bureaucrats lacked an understanding of China’s political culture and process. Shiu said CPU was trying to convince Hong Kong officials they needed to propose very specific, well-thought out and researched projects for Beijing’s consideration. Otherwise, Beijing might simply include some perfunctory language about Hong Kong in the FYP. No concrete action would follow if Hong Kong did not table viable plans. The goal, Shiu insisted, was not to just get a mention in the FYP but actually get the central government to commit to specific initiatives. Furthermore, Shiu worried CMAB lacked the manpower and expertise to properly coordinate the government’s efforts. While he was encouraged by Chinese State Councilor Liu Yandong’s recent comments about the central government studying what functions Hong Kong and Macau could serve in China’s reforms and devising a mechanism for the two territories’ participation, Shiu cautioned it was still very difficult to predict how big a role Beijing will allow Hong Kong to play.」 由第一份文件，可以歸納幾件事 1. 唔好意思，香港喺中國殖民地政府處心積累下，根本唔係自由經濟，而係配合中國十二五規劃，自已搞個奉迎殖民主嘅版本出嚟。 2. 教育、區域規劃等問題，根本唔係為香港人規劃。 3. 邵善波、梁振英、張志剛係賣港三人組嚟。 4. 邵善波呢班仆街一直想由政制及內地事務局奪權，林公公唔係武藝高強，一早死喺邵善波手下。 第二份文件，我又嚟highlight一大堆嘢： 「In recent days, media have quoted anonymous Beijing-connected politicos as saying the HKSARG’s new proposal would be essentially the same as was offered in 2005, including the five-and-five increase for LegCo and participation by appointed District Councilors in electing the new legislators. Central Policy Unit (CPU – the HKSARG’s in-house think-tank) member Shiu Sin-por told us October 29 he believed the reports were accurate. He also told us that, although CE Donald Tsang Yam-kuen had lobbied for more reforms, this was all Beijing was willing to give. While Tsang pledged in his 2007 election campaign to solve universal suffrage during his term (words to which the pan-democrats continue to hold him) and earlier this year that the new proposal would not simply be 2005 redux, Shiu says Tsang did not clear either promise with Beijing. (C) As noted above, CPU’s Shiu believes Beijing has set the limits of what the HKSARG can put on the table for 2012. He put the HKSARG’s continued refusal to discuss any elections beyond 2012 in the Beijing context, reminding us 2012 will be a leadership transition year for the PRC as well. Just as Tsang has argued he cannot tie the hands of his successor, Shiu told us Beijing does not want to bind the Fifth Generation leadership on future Hong Kong policy. Shiu also told us that while Vice President Xi Jinping may oversee Hong Kong policy, President Hu Jintao himself makes the final decisions on major issues. (C) Shiu insisted Beijing wanted to resolve universal suffrage in Hong Kong because the issue had dragged on for twenty years to the distraction of other, more important concerns. That said, Beijing does not want to lose control. For that reason, Shiu said Beijing would make sure the final form of the CE nomination and election process will not allow Hong Kong to elect someone Beijing will not be willing to appoint as CE. Beijing is not confident that the Hong Kong people would not elect someone unacceptable (a possibility most observers in Hong Kong dismiss.) 」 以上又可以得出四個判讀： 1. 邵善波洩露國家機密。 2. 政改實際揸莊係胡錦濤，習近平唔關佢事。(呢個係國家機密） 3. 曾蔭權有為香港人爭取過，可惜無X用（同佢居英權果鋪一樣） 4. 北京會搞假普選。 簡單嚟講，根據兩份文件，香港由一班隨時賣屎忽俾任何人嘅賣港賊治港，依家執行緊出賣香港利益計劃。而如果香港唔獨立，唔駛旨意有民主同保障本土利益，更加唔好講自由經濟，我地係被人規劃經濟。 --------------- 絲絲世語：不認特首應成為風潮 7/12/2012 田北俊說：梁振英「難聽啲（講）就係呃咗行政長官嚟做」。李柱銘認同他的說法，在昨天的文章中表示，會拒絕出席所有由他擔任主禮嘉賓的場合，若偶然在其他場合碰到他，也絕對不會稱呼他為特首，只是禮貌地稱他「梁振英先生」。香港許多市民大概也會認同梁振英「呃咗行政長官嚟做」的看法，有識見的議員也應覺得這看法切合實際。 不稱呼梁振英做特首或行政長官，應成為風潮。立法會議員在議事堂上，盡可能稱他「梁振英先生」。至於自覺不須如此紳士的市民，要直呼其名或「六八九」或更難聽的稱呼就自由發揮了。 這不是簡單的稱呼問題，它代表一種態度：你的行徑羞辱了全港市民，市民不羞辱你、只是不承認你是特首，已算很客氣了。這是為表明自己不是道德侏儒的最起碼的表現。 李怡 --------------- 探針：人格喪盡才是愛國極品 6/12/2012 看了羅海雷致培橋校長及諸學長的公開信，他從香港六七暴動一位中學生的遭遇說起，當年僅十六歲的曾宇雄放學時被港英當局以「非法集會」逮捕，入獄一年並留案底。他甚麼都沒做，只是左派學生而已。時至今日，他致函特區政府要昭雪冤案，以免禍延子孫。 曾宇雄的故事固然令人欷歔，但感觸更深的是羅海雷這段話：「現在香港的左派或自命愛國人士，六七的事不想說，八九年天安門的事不敢說，這幾年發生在國內很多莫名其妙的事也不敢說（吳校長是少有的例外）。在我看來香港的左派基本上喪失了道德高地，沒有理想可言。」 就西方而論，左傾並非沒有魅惑力，那是「政治正確」的理想信條和追求社會正義的熱情，香港當年的左派還要加上愛國，六七年做的事哪怕錯得離譜，背後也有信仰驅動力。而今袞袞左營諸公，道德人格喪盡，卻奢談愛國，真是笑話。香港一些老左派曾經真心愛國，卻秉持着正常人的良知和是非感，如羅孚老前輩就是範例。反觀梁振英，我相信他的人格原本就很稀薄，沒有甚麼好「喪」的。諷刺的是，香港左營和一眾「忽然愛國」的縉紳還死撐令己方失分丟臉的無恥之徒。皆因他們效忠那個「國」還未發話，一旦黨立意換馬，他們即時棄之如敝履，就像董建華「腳痛」下台後，某愛國家奴便振振有詞申明自己當初就沒有投票給董。 由此想起前蘇聯的政治笑話：上帝賜給人三種品質─真誠、睿智、黨性。但任何人都只能有兩種，如有真誠和睿智，就無黨性；如有睿智和黨性，就無真誠；如有真誠而有黨性，那麼他就是精神病患者。 香港回歸十五年，「愛國」的宏大概念等同於黨意旨，不但在政界商界繁衍出這樣無道德無是非無人格的一群，更通過「國民教育」把香港下一代打造成逢「國」必愛必忠者，放眼大陸這種愛國奴已多如蝗蟲。大陸著名博客作家李承鵬最近寫道：「你找了塊空地，喊一聲『反腐敗』，每個人都崇敬地看着你，你又大喊『抓貪官』，人們恨不得立馬找磚頭行動。你繼續說『首先找出貪腐的根源』，大家眼神開始迷離。你再說『用民主來監督權力』，下面就有人罵『傻逼公知』。你說『這是先進國家的經驗』，原本伺候貪官的磚頭砸來，罵『狗日的肯定拿了美分』！」 可見眾人本有正常是非判斷，但在崇高的「愛國感情」面前，正義良知真誠統統要不得了。這莫非是香港未來的寫照？ 孔捷生